Somalis in London: What we can learn from them after 100 years

(Pic: Reuters)
(Pic: Reuters)

There has been a Somali presence in London for over a hundred years. The first Somalis to arrive in Britain were economic migrants. Merchant seamen settled in cities including Cardiff, Liverpool and London. There are records of British Somalis in London dating back to 1914 when they were recruited to fight in the First World War and then subsequently settled there. In the 1990s civil war in Somali forced another wave of migration to Britain. Today, Somalis are one of the most misunderstood groups in the United Kingdom, despite their numbers.

Yet they have become integral to the capital’s poetry, literature, culture, and art. Warsan Shire, a British Somali talent born in Kenya, was named London’s first Young Poet Laureate in October 2013. The title includes a residency at the Houses of Parliament.

Just as Somali culture and identity grows and flourishes in new places, likewise, the British Somali population in London has developed with unique characteristics and complexities.

The Somalis in London report, part of a wider research project, Somalis in European Cities, aims to understand the views of British Somalis on issues vital to public life. These include identity, education, and political participation among others. The research has revealed a range of opinions on these matters and demonstrated the vibrancy and resilience of Somalis in London. Throughout the research we encountered many inspirational British Somalis, working hard for their community – and beyond – in voluntary organizations, supplementary education, and sport and youth activities.

Two factors were particularly striking. One was a tenacious devotion to community, marked by ongoing civic involvement in a time of economic austerity and cuts to spending on services. The second factor was the number of women involved in community initiatives. Our research goes some way to debunking the myth that Somali women are passive and silent. Women often step up, encouraging their children in school, and are visible in their communities and beyond. To quote one member who contributed to our research:

[People] get really confused sometimes because when they see Somali women covering, they associate us with the Asian culture, and then they see Somali women are very loud and boisterous. Then they are like, “Oh, okay, I was wrong about that.” I think [people] are very confused by the Somali community in general, ’cos sometimes they think you’re forced into marriage, and they ask, “Do you get arranged marriages?” and I’m like, “What are you talking about? We don’t do that!

These misperceptions are partly due to Somalis’ historical invisibility in ethnic monitoring processes throughout the UK. British Somalis often fall between the gaps of African and Muslim categories. Although country of birth data provides some insight into the size of the British Somali community, exact figures are difficult to ascertain due to the fact that there was no specific categorization of “British Somali” as an ethnic group in the 2011 Census.

Most attempts to classify Somalis muddle their nationality/ethnicity and religion/culture. Labeling a Somali “Black African” will obscure differences between Somalis and neighboring African countries in terms of culture, language, diet, dress, and religious practices. Being labeled as Muslim in contrast, ignores how British Somalis do not share language, diet, or dress with Asian and Arab Muslims who pray alongside them. This broad approach to monitoring categories has often resulted in the British Somali community’s experiences being overlooked, and we hope that the findings of this report go some way to highlighting the importance of capturing such data.

Some organizations are devising ways to learn about Somali life and build relationships with British Somali communities. Tower Hamlets Homes (THH), set up the Somali Tenants Engagement Project in April 2011. This initiative – for which THH should be commended – identified British Somali residents and gathered information on their needs and circumstances. THH was able to capture the unique experiences of their Somali residents.

Soon, all of London will get a chance to learn more about British Somalis. Kayd Arts’ annual Somali Week Festival occurs throughout the city from October 17 to 26. This festival showcases traditional and contemporary Somali art and culture, with events including poetry, literature, panel discussions, documentary film screenings, and music and theatre. It hosts artists, academics, and activists from London, the rest of the UK, and abroad. This year’s theme is “Imagination.” Examples of British Somalis’ contributions to London will also be showcased.

Sex education: What Nollywood and sermons don’t teach

(Pic: Flickr / Nollywood Artist)
(Pic: Flickr / Nollywood Artist)

Positive parenting had began to gain popularity among parents and teachers in the small Nigerian town of Sapele where I grew up, and my school was not going to be left behind.

So, every Valentine’s Day saw us assembled in our school hall to be treated to a film screening. Somehow, my teachers always managed to find the same kind of Nollywood story: good girls who kept themselves pure in the midst of the moral morass of youth and married handsome, wealthy men who loved them dearly for their virtue and would do anything to have them.  In the late 1990s, the whole film show business seemed like such a big deal. But did it occur to anybody to question the choice of Nollywood as a viable Sex Ed aid? I I don’t think so.

Before the film played, it was mandatory that we live through 30 minutes or so of reorientation. The big colour television, placed at the centre of our school hall, would be on, the blue screen waiting, while a teacher – preferably the most religious or the most willing/concerned – talked to us about our changing bodies. By an unspoken consensus, on days like this – on other days too, but especially on days like this –  everybody tried to avoid the use of certain words. And, standing in line, my breath held, my self-comportment overstretched, it was easy to understand why.

Those words, in their raw carnal forms, had terrible pitfalls. We had seen it happen many times; girls we knew, swallowed whole by the scotching intimacy of carnal words. Girls who knew about breasts and hips. Girls who we could tell, just by looking at them, that they were doing ‘it’. Girls who became pregnant. The general impression being that good girls just did not notice their bodies.

For the same reason that these words could just not be said, these films we saw were less about whatever narratives they managed to have and more about the overarching message. That narrative was: Good girls wait and are rewarded, bad girls end up with babies on their backs walking the streets looking lost. Good boys graduate, get great lives and have beautiful families, bad boys end up unfinished and angry at the world.

Then one year, our ‘exposed’ Home Economics teacher brought back a new movie Yellow Card (Zimbabwean) from one of her trips to Lagos. That film represents for me, to this day, a kind of epiphany.  At school that day, I saw a story that was by miles different, unnerving even, but possible. I saw young people who were preoccupied with sex but also preoccupied with education and careers. It showed them making mistakes but also it showed them trying to make better choices. And for showing this, that sex was not so much the problem as much as poor sexual choices were, for attempting to move the frame of conflicts to a flexible one, the whole positive parenting film show thing became suspect.  Our teachers feared we would become confused. And so, the whole film-screening campaign with its preemptive concern for possible life-altering choices was quietly shelved.

If campaigns to improve sexual and reproductive health education has done anything well in the last couple of decades, it is that it has increased the willingness of parents, schools and religious bodies to talk to about sexual and reproductive health. In communities like the one where I grew up, and perhaps communities like it mirrored all through Africa, this is how you mostly learn sex education: from well-meaning people in churches and schools who would designate whole programs to “talk to the young people about sex”, but deliberately neuter or thwart the message in the “best interests” of young people.

Recently, I attended a church program where the guest speaker, a woman from a religious NGO, insisted that “the computer age” was directly responsible for the proliferation of abortions in young girls. And as I sat there listening to her say these things in her confident, measured voice, I was not worried by the certainty of her illogic. It was the readiness, gratitude almost, with which the audience swallowed this rare information that worried me. The nature of information that was disseminated is problematic, perhaps enough to be counter-productive?

The statistics around abortion appear conflicting. Certain research shows that this conservative approach to sex education led to better sexual behaviour. Other research shows that it did not reduce the abortion rate. And that worse still, the numbers of unsafe abortions in countries like Nigeria are as high as ever. While this says nothing definitive about the challenges that apply to the methods of Sex Education currently practiced in Nigeria and other African countries, enough information exists that draws attention to the inadequacies of the approach.

From school lessons in the 1990s to school lessons now, SEX = SIN is the form of sex education that young people are getting, instead of the more pertinent ‘there are safe ways to have sex’. This is mostly because Nigeria, like much of Africa, is a highly religious space, where your Sunday School teacher most likely doubles as your concerned/willing school teacher, so there is the unavoidable problem of an overlap of the same kinds of sermonised sex education everywhere.

The dangers of going out to seek or buy protection can still seem as big and as real as the dangers of reckless, unsafe sex in certain communities. And this sermonised form of Sex Education which very often equates the emphasising of condom and contraceptive use as promoting irresponsibility, if anything, contributes to the entrenchment of conservative ideas in communities that are already too conservative.

Sex education is everywhere; on billboards, on TV, in churches, in schools, but it is still a long way from being about the simple and most basic thing: the right to protect yourself. It is yet to transcend religion or what I am willing to telling you. It is yet to be about life, about safety, about options.

Kechi Nomu writes from Warri, Nigeria. Her poems have appeared in Saraba Magazine and Brittle Paper.

Ebola: Yes, it is real

A sign warning of the dangers of Ebola outside a government hospital in Freetown on August 13 2014. (Pic: AFP)
A sign warning of the dangers of Ebola outside a government hospital in Freetown. (Pic: AFP)

We twist and turn on the dirt road, the tyres kicking up clods of mud. It has rained intermittently the whole afternoon and the road becomes increasingly difficult to negotiate, requiring the full 4-wheel drive.

The other landcruiser gets stuck briefly, stubbornly revving to keep up behind us. We toss and tumble around on the back seats as the land cruiser dives into another rut. “Welcome to ‘Kah-llun’” the driver announces.

This stretch of the day-long journey to the base at Kailahun started with wishes of “Bon voyage” hailed across the two-way radio in Bo at lunchtime. To get to Bo, we’d left Freetown at sunrise in a minibus, packed to the brim with luggage and mission staff.

There were half a dozen police check points between Freetown and Bo: each stop requiring some unpacking of the car in order to disembark, and then lining up to have our temperature taken, and occasionally having to wash our hands in chlorinated water.

Staff in white coats pointed the thermometer at our foreheads, and read the result out loud, while camouflage-clad troops looked on. “I’m from West Africa, you from South Africa”, one of them laughed, “Yes, we are all Africans!” we agreed, me thinking that a World Cup would have been more likely to bring us together than an epidemic tearing through the country.

But we had it easy. With special passes around our necks, and a Ministry of Health placard on the front window of the bus, proclaiming “ALLOW TO PASS – EBOLA RESPONSE”, we sped to the front of the one kilometre queue, while a line of trucks, cars and motor bikes, with Sierra Leoneans –- mothers, children and men of all ages –- sitting in the heat on the road, waited to be allowed through.

The government has implemented quarantined zones, to be adhered to for 21 days after the last reported case in each zone. It was evident that while usefully restricting movement, these measures were causing havoc in people’s lives, and the transport of supplies across the country. For me, this was the first indication that the posters on houses and trees might be true, that “EBOLA IS REAL”.

We stopped on the outskirts of Bo to take a tour of the treatment centre. Built in only five weeks, the centre can take in 100 patients, and even has a helipad. In the next phase an onsite laboratory will be installed to speed up the time between a blood sample being taken and the result being available.

Few sites have onsite laboratories, and specimens are taken by road for testing, often leading to people who test positive for Ebola mixing with those who test negative for several hours in the waiting area of the centre.

Walking up to the centre, one is filled with awe: the white tent-like structures look like an impressive utopian city. But at the same time, they invoke the fear and intrigue felt by anyone who is drawn to the television news broadcasts of the yellow hazmat suits, masks and goggles. From a distance and for the first time, we catch a glimpse of these suits for real: people unloading a stretcher from the back of a vehicle … “Was that a body?”

Inside, the centre is carefully organised into high and low risk zones. Hand washing points, consisting of elevated plastic vats of chlorinated water, with a bucket underneath, are strategically placed throughout, and the paths through the zones are cordoned off with orange barrier fences and a carefully planned open water drainage system.

We see national staff putting on their Personal Protective Equipment, one layer after the next, as we stand sweating in our single layer of scrubs and gumboots.

Where are the sick and dying? One patient emerges from the high risk zone and takes a seat behind the orange barrier fencing. A few metres away, behind another orange fence, a health promoter shouts across to him, “Hello, Mr X. Since you no longer have symptoms, you are getting better. We now need to wait to see what your viral load result is, and maybe you can go home.”

We crane our necks to get a glimpse of the sick in the high risk tent. While the staff in the hazmat suits move slowly and carefully around the ward, partitions allow the patients their privacy, screening off our inquisitive eyes and those who may well be dying next to them.

We hit the road to Kenema, enroute to Kailahun. In Kenema, the market place teams with people in close proximity, buying and selling goods and food. Where is the Ebola? Where is the fear? I wonder why the fear of infection is not keeping more people away from the town centre.

But I wonder no more as we approach a busy traffic circle: a man lies prostrate in the road, emaciated and his face contorted in pain. With one arm he tries to shade his eyes. Far gone, too far gone. We shake our heads and drive on. We look back. No one will approach him: he will most likely die alone. Yes, Ebola, it’s real.

Kathryn Stinson has a PhD in Public Health and works as an epidemiologist at the University of Cape Town. She has three children, two Great Danes and one very supportive husband. She is volunteering in Sierra Leone for an NGO and writes in her personal capacity.

This article was first published on GroundUp.

Mozambicans vote in tough test for ruling party

Mozambicans queue outside a polling station in Maputo to vote in presidential and legislative elections on October 15 2014. (Pic: AFP)
Mozambicans queue outside a polling station in Maputo to vote in presidential and legislative elections on October 15 2014. (Pic: AFP)

Voters in neat lines started casting their ballots in the capital Maputo shortly after 7 am,  with Frelimo facing growing discontent amid an apparent popular swing towards the opposition.

“We want change. We want to choose a new, young leader,” said student Erisma Invasse, who was queueing at the Polana secondary school in an upmarket suburb.

“We want someone with new ideas,” agreed her friend, Raina Muaria. Both are voting for the first time in presidential elections.

The presidential race pits Frelimo’s Filipe Nyusi (55), the former defence minister, against the veteran leader of former rebel group Renamo, Afonso Dhlakama (61).

Also in the running is Daviz Simango (50), founder of the Mozambique Democratic Party (MDM).

“I am convinced of a victory,” Nyusi told reporters after casting his ballot. “We have worked for a long time, very hard to prepare for this election.”

Dhlakama, who voted at the same polling station, has cried foul each time he lost in previous elections but expressed hope that this vote will be free and fair.

“Results will be accepted when they are clean. As you know on the African continent, results are often not clean,” he said.

“We hope for the first time in Mozambique results will be acceptable, proper and with credibility. I believe this.”

The government amended election laws earlier this year as part of peace negotiations with Renamo, which demanded that the opposition be given greater control over the electoral process in bid to improve transparency.

The third presidential aspirant, Simango, voted in the second biggest city Beira, where he is mayor.

Voter surveys cannot be published in Mozambique, but judging from the turnout at some campaign rallies, Frelimo could be in for a shock.

The party’s glitzy final rally in its southern fiefdom of Maputo failed to attract a capacity crowd.

Mozambican Liberation Front (FRELIMO) presidential candidate Filipe Nyusi supporters cheer during the FRELIMO
Frelimo presidential candidate Filipe Nyusi supporters cheer during the party’s final campaign rally on October 12 on the outskirts of Maputo. (Pic: AFP)

Twenty-seven parties and two coalitions are competing for the favour of 10.9 million registered voters in the presidential race, plus polls for national and provincial assemblies.

Desire for change
Analysts say that while Frelimo is expected to win the election, the opposition is likely to make significant inroads, reducing the ruling party’s overwhelming majority of 75 percent garnered in the last vote.

The desire for change has been driven by a wealth gap that persists despite huge mineral resources, with fast economic growth sidestepping the bulk of a population that is among the world’s poorest.

Renamo, which has lost all elections since the end of the country’s 16-year civil war in 1992, has made a comeback, trying to spruce up its image after emerging from a low-level insurgency waged in the centre of the country just weeks ahead of the election.

“The recent (September 5) peace agreement is an opportunity for Renamo,” said Nelson Alusala, a researcher with the Pretoria-based Institute of Security Studies.

“Mozambicans may be attracted to Renamo for the simple reason of wanting change,” he said.

At the same time the fledgling MDM, led by the mayor of the second largest city of Beira, is gaining popularity.

Formed five years ago, the MDM gained around 40 percent of the vote in Maputo in last December’s municipal elections.

If none of the three garners more than 50 percent of the vote, a run-off will be held within 30 days after official final results.

Official results are expected 15 days after polling.

#BringBackOurGirls protesters mark six months since Nigerian girls’ abduction

Campaigners for the release of the abducted Chibok schoolgirls hold candles at a vigil for them on October 12 2014 in Abuja. (Pic: AFP)
Campaigners for the release of the abducted Chibok schoolgirls hold candles at a vigil for them on October 12 2014 in Abuja. (Pic: AFP)

Protesters calling for the release of 219 Nigerian schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram militants are set to mark the six-month anniversary of their abduction with a march on the presidency on Tuesday.

Members of the Bring Back Our Girls campaign are planning to walk to President Goodluck Jonathan’s official residence in Abuja to keep up the pressure on the government to bring the missing teenagers home.

The march is the culmination of a series of events in the past week, including a candlelit vigil, to keep the fate of the girls in the public eye, as media coverage and on-line interest wanes.

The daughter and niece of Enoch Mark, an elder in Chibok from where the girls were abducted, are among those missing.

“At one point we contemplated holding funeral rites for the girls as our tradition provides,” he told AFP.

Parents have run the gamut of emotions in the last six months, from initial hope to despair and back again, he added.

“But the discovery of a girl last month… who was kidnapped by Boko Haram in January gave us renewed hope that our girls would be found.

“If this girl could regain freedom after nine months in captivity all hope is not lost that our daughters would one day be free.

“This has rekindled our hope and strengthened our patience. We are ready to wait six years on hoping to have our daughters back with us.”

Some 276 girls were seized from their dormitories at the Government Girls Secondary School in the remote town of Chibok in Borno state, northeastern Nigeria, on the night of April 14.

Fifty-seven managed to escape and Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau later threatened to sell the remainder as slave brides, vowing they would not be released until militant prisoners were freed from jail.

In late May, Nigeria’s most senior military officer, Chief of Defence Staff Alex Badeh, said the girls had been located but ruled out a rescue because of the danger to the girls’ lives.

Since then, nothing has been seen or heard from the girls while back channel talks with militant leaders have stalled.

The girls’ initial weeks in captivity sparked a frenzy of media coverage and interest online, where the hashtag #BringBackOurGirls trended on Twitter and was retweeted the world over.

Worldwide efforts
Nigerian Bring Back Our Girls campaigners have since held regular marches in Abuja, even as global attention shifted elsewhere and foreign missions involved in the search grew frustrated at the lack of progress.

“Globally, the movement has definitely slowed down,” acknowledged Molade Alawode, of the Washington-based non-profit organisation Act4Accountability, which spearheaded protests in the US capital to highlight the girls’ plight.

But she said efforts were continuing, including providing relief supplies for the tens of thousands of people displaced by the conflict in Nigeria’s far northeast.

An online petition on change.org launched earlier this year by Ify Elueze, a Nigerian student in Germany, has drawn more than one million signatures, with more names being added every day, many of them from the United States.

In Los Angeles, documentary filmmaker Ramaa Mosley keeps a running total of the number of days the girls have been held on her social media accounts, taking inspiration from the Nigerian protesters still on the streets.

“Of course, since there is less information to print, there is less of a focus in the news but my experience is that individuals that first came forwarded to organise events and rallies have held strong and continued to support the cause,” she said.

“Our followers on Facebook want to help and continue to take actions both big and small to keep the girl’s plight in the minds and hearts of their community.

“My feeling is, the pain of this travesty is so big and there are so much other painful world news but there are many, many who have not stopped working daily on behalf of the Chibok girls.

“We will continue until they are home safely.”